For instance, in West and Central Africa, children of primary school age from the poorest quintile are on average six times more likely to be out of school as those from the richest. Disparities are also seen in learning outcomes. Providing girls with an education helps break the cycle of poverty: educated women are less likely to marry early; less likely to die in childbirth; more likely to have healthy babies; and more likely to send their children to school. Poverty and other forms of social disadvantage magnify gender disparities.
In most sub-Saharan African countries, girls from the poorest households remain most disadvantaged in terms of school participation. The systematic exclusion of girls and women from school and the labor force translates into a less educated work force, inefficient allocation of labor, lost productivity, and consequently diminished progress in economic development. Vocational education, expected to provide specific competencies for medium and high skilled workers, developed in Europe from a long tradition of professional guilds, expanded with industrialization, reached its zenith in the s, and started to decline in numbers since then.
One of the reasons for it limited reach and recent decline is that European vocational education, and more specially the apprenticeship system adopted in German speaking countries, although very successful in developing the skills and providing jobs for the industrial sector, was from the beginning part of a socially stratified education system, with tracking systems through which the children of the working class would be sent to vocational schools to be prepared to work in industry, while the children of the middle and upper classes would go to general education schools with the expectation of getting middle class jobs and entering the universities.
As the relative size of the industrial sector diminished and access higher education expanded, opportunities for good quality vocational education were reduced, and most students choose the general education path if they could. Vocational education changed in most places to adapt to the new circumstances, eliminating or postponing tracking to the end of compulsory education, creating paths from vocational to higher education, creating comprehensive schools, expected to combine general and vocational education, and putting more emphasis on general competencies, such as language and mathematics, in vocational schools.
The United States never developed a distinctive vocational education sector, but, in practice, provided it to some extent within the high schools and community colleges, as an option for students unwilling or not able to follow the path to full college education. Less developed countries lacked the well-established industrial and business sectors that allowed for good quality vocational education in the richer countries.
For them, vocational education remained at best very limited in size, and at worse a kind of second-class education for the poor. The limitations of vocational education, associated with the dominance of general education and growing aspirations for higher education degrees, raises the issue of how to deal with the large number of students that, in most countries, never acquire the minimum competencies required by compulsory education.
A recent study by OECD found that "one in four year-old students in OECD countries have not attained a baseline level of proficiency in at least one of the three core subjects PISA assesses: reading, mathematics and science. In absolute numbers, this means that about 13 million year-old students in the 64 countries and economies that participated in PISA were low performers in at least one subject; in some countries, more than one in two students were" OECD , 3. The situation in low income societies is much worse. There is widespread recognition that tertiary education is a major contributor to economic competitiveness in an increasingly knowledge-driven global economy, which has made high-quality tertiary education more important than ever in both industrialised and developing countries World Bank As the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD has pointed out, tertiary education contributes to social and economic development through four major missions:.
Increasingly, tertiary education is also becoming more diversified, including new types of institutions such as polytechnics, university colleges, technological institutes and a plethora of private and distance e-learning providers. Facilities such as these have been created for a number of reasons: to develop a closer relationship between tertiary education and the external world, including greater responsiveness to labour-market needs; to enhance social and geographical access to tertiary education; to provide high-level occupational preparation in a more applied and less theoretical way; and to accommodate the growing diversity of qualifications and expectations of school graduates Pillay World Economic Forum WEF data measure education participation rates, primary school quality rankings for secondary education, quality ranking includes maths and science scores , rate of return for tertiary education, and global competitiveness ranking.
In the most competitive economies, high rankings against most of the human capital-related indicators were observed, even in cases where unemployment had increased. Thus, while weaknesses in these economies may centre on issues such as higher education, the skills gap in the labour market and wage performance, lesser developed economies have weaknesses centred on issues such as health and basic schooling. This may be the case even where the participation rate in primary and secondary education is high but where the quality is low, lessening the efficiency of the labour market in absorbing the youth exiting these systems.
Their detailed study of sub-Saharan Africa found that a one-year increase in the tertiary education stock would raise the long-run steady-state level of African GDP per capita by Considering that incomes have been falling in some African countries, such growth would be significant. It strongly suggests that tertiary education plays a recognisable role in promoting economic growth.
Where there are high-cost barriers associated with higher levels of education, and where economic resources are distributed with high inequality, this may contribute to inequality in educational outcomes. The finding that the wage gap between those with higher education and workers with low levels of education has widened in the OECD over the past decade, despite the fact that the wages of the former have stagnated, is because those of the latter group have declined in real terms.
More recent evidence has also shown that there is some complementarity between home background and schooling; in other words, that children from higher status families may derive a greater benefit from a given school input. Educators are the main actors at this level; B the level of institutions schools, pre-schools, kindergartens, universities, etc.
Here principals have a substantial influence; and C the level of the educational system the macrolevel. In the following facilitators and barriers to education as a means for social progress are discussed in three subsections. The first one focuses on governance of education and therefore the macrolevel. While education is poised to play a crucial role in promoting social progress, any effective contribution of education very much depends on how exactly educational institutions are designed. On the one hand, education indeed can be, and has been, an effective instrument for social progress by promoting humanistic values, nurturing collective conceptions of democratic citizenship, providing skills with labor market value, as well as supporting educational and social equality if access to education is open and fair.
On the other hand, education systems can also become, and historically often have been, instruments to reinforce or magnify socio-economic inequality across generations, to nurture nationalistic and autocratic tendencies by promoting exclusionary or hierarchical conceptions of citizenship, or to fuel labor market stratification by limiting access to higher levels of education.
On the whole, the governance of education is the institutional mode designed to direct education by setting its goals and standards, to provide the necessary means for deliverance of education, and to monitor, assess and redraft policy with the aim of harnessing education for social progress.
In the following, we discuss how modes of governance affect the potential of education to contribute to social progress. We describe the complexity of education governance and review core topics in the study of educational governance. We continue by focusing on three broad trends that have dominated the agenda of policy-makers and scholars alike in recent years:.
Third : the ongoing educational expansion, now encompassing adult and further education. Initially in developed countries and since the mid-twentieth century internationally, education emerged as a principal policy and administrative domain for governments, as well as the principal agenda of a fast growing number of intergovernmental- and transnational nongovernmental organizations.
As a result, the governance of education grew into a complex array of institutions, often with intersecting and overlapping jurisdictions and responsibilities. The contemporary complexity of education governance is, therefore, both a strong engine and a constraint for the harnessing of education towards social progress: it is both a solid system of policy-making and operations and still an unmanageable maze of public and private, national and international governors. Nevertheless, education is currently formally enshrined in numerous international treaties as a human right guaranteed to all and policies are set — nationally, internationally and transnationally — in accordance with this spirit.
For instance, in Europe, the Bologna process, which started out as an effort of international coordination in higher education governance, has contributed to the establishment of a transnational governance framework, largely based on voluntary cooperation between governments. This framework both achieves some sort of coordination in higher education policy, such as the introduction of Bachelor and Master degrees throughout Europe and the establishment of common quality management procedures, while also respecting national peculiarities.
Furthermore, according to Voegtle et al. Hence, it is a good example how complex governance arrangements in the global era are both necessary as well as possible. This general vision of education has not tamed the vast variation in education governance across countries. The institutional design and capacity of education systems vary dramatically cross-nationally, among levels of government, and between sectors.
Furthermore, historical conflicts about the design of education systems have strong implications for the governance of education in the contemporary period, because once established, institutions create powerful path dependency effects, which reduce the leeway for large-scale change in the long term Pierson ; Thelen The feedback effects of established institutions affect strategies, preferences, and power resources of individual and collective actors in the respective systems.
The implication is that once political choices for the design of education systems have been made at critical junctures in historical policy development, large-scale change is unlikely thereafter. This is why there is a huge variation in the governance of education systems nowadays. As already shown above, there is of course a significant cross-national variation in the extent to which different sectors of the education system are developed, which is to a certain extent related to the level of economic development in a given country.
Broadly speaking, the higher levels of the education system upper secondary, post-secondary and tertiary education develop in line with economic demand and capacities, implying a gradual opening up of access for those formerly excluded. Ideally, democracy, education and economic development can positively reinforce each other with education promoting both citizenship and economic skills, which promote the further development of democratic structures.
These in turn can ensure a continued opening up of access to higher levels of education Ansell , And still, there is no deterministic association between the institutional structure of education systems and economic development. In the post- industrial democracies of the Western world with similar levels of economic development, there is still a huge variety of institutions. For instance, countries differ with regard to the degree of institutional stratification in school structures, primarily at the secondary level.
In some cases, there is a strong separation between academic and vocational tracks, which is often associated with students being sorted onto these different tracks very early on in their school careers Germany or Switzerland are good examples for this type of systems. In contrast, in other countries such as Sweden, but also the United States and South Africa, all children from different backgrounds attend the same type of schools, namely comprehensive secondary schools.
However, again depending on the exact design of educational governance, the formal equivalence in institutional design can go along with a strong degree of effective segregation: In the United States, the fiscal stance of individual schools or school districts very much depends on the wealth of the locality, mirroring existing socio-economic inequalities and thereby creating a clear stratified hierarchy of institutions in the respective educational sectors Busemeyer In other words: A strong separation between academic and vocational tracks in lower and upper secondary education delimits the potential contribution of education to promoting social equity and progress.
These examples show that it is necessary to evaluate the effects of educational institutions from different perspectives as these might be very different and partly contradicting, depending on the viewpoint. Questions of educational governance reach beyond the institutional design of educational institutions as such, including issues related to education financing and spending. First of all, countries differ with regard to how much they invest in education in total and how they distribute funding across the different sectors Busemeyer However, there is no apparent association between the total level of investment on education and educational performance Castles Even though there is certain association between economic well-being and educational performance with poorer countries clustering in the lower half of the ranking table and richer countries above, there are some notable exceptions: Vietnam, for example, with a GDP per capita of about 2, Dollar performs significantly better than Luxembourg with a GDP per capita of about , Dollar.
This, again, points to the crucial role of governance as well as cultural, social and political contexts, because the institutional set-up of education systems determines how available resources are employed, and if they are employed in effective and efficient ways. Private sources of funding mostly include tuition and school fees, but also contributions from private foundations, employers and individuals. Even though the evidence on the impact of tuition fees on participation in and access to education is somewhat mixed, there are solid indications that high tuition fees effectively block students from low-income backgrounds from participating in higher education Mettler In the context of developing countries, private schools and financing may play a different role.
In a situation, when public schools are failing because of serious governance problems related to mismanagement, corruption and a lack of accountability, private schools may be considered as an attractive alternative, delivering a higher quality of teaching and better learning outcomes at lower costs, as a recent comprehensive report on private schooling in developing countries has shown Ashley et al. In the long run, however, the establishment of a private school sector might also promote segregation and inequalities in the developing countries, when access is increasingly tied to parental background and resources.
Hence, improving the governance of public institutions should be the prime goal in these contexts. In addition to institutional stratification and spending, another important dimension in the governance of education is how different stakeholders in the system are included in decision-making or not. There are several aspects related to this topic. The first is the question of how many different stakeholders are involved in decision-making about educational reforms as well as day-to-day management of education systems this might be called the horizontal governance dimension.
There are some countries, in which decision-making is centralized in the hands of governmental bureaucrats, whereas in others, different stakeholders are involved, e. The second aspect is how different competencies for the administration of the education system are distributed across levels of government the vertical dimension of governance.
Again, in some countries, decision-making competencies are concentrated on the national level e. In contrast, the financing and administration of education is very decentralized in other countries. In Scandinavian countries, for instance, municipalities have far-reaching competencies for the provision and financing of education. In federalist systems, the subnational levels play a crucial role in education policy, although this might often be associated with an actually lower degree of autonomy for the local level, since many competencies are then concentrated on the regional level.
With the onset of globalization, in particular since the mid-twentieth century, new international and transnational interdependencies have emerged with strong implications for educational governance. Education is currently promoted by a transnational advocacy network, which is composed of both intergovernmental- and transnational nongovernmental organizations. This diverse set of organizations, which have proliferated at an exponential rate for decades, has been instrumental in formulating transnational regulation, most notably the Global Campaign for Education and the Education for All agenda, as well as situating education as a pinnacle of the Millennium Development Goals.
The rise of the private and for-profit transnational education sector further complicates the matrix of global education governance, introducing neo-liberal practices and therefore furthering the turn of public education systems worldwide toward so-called New Public Management models e. Overall, this heterogeneous transnational advocacy network of organizations, which constitutes the global governance of education, operates as a diffuse policy regime, drawing legitimacy and authority from its financial and political capacities, the appreciation of expertise, and the geopolitical power of western governmental and nongovernmental actors.
This international and transnational education governance intersects with national and sub-national education policy-making in numerous ways and greatly and influences its trajectory. In these ways, the global transnational advocacy network for education formulated curricular, pedagogical and administrative isomorphism, regardless of varying national political cultures or local traditions. Also, this global governance regime is critical for the implementation of education policies worldwide, because it serves as the cadre for consultancy and expertise and as the source for sponsorship of education reforms.
Through their evidence-based assessments and policy recommendations, which operationalize educational ideologies, the global governance regime spreads particular education practices and ideas e. Overall, world polity, as the formal organizational backbone of world society, drove the rapid institutionalization of universal mass schooling Boli, Ramirez and Meyer, ; Meyer, Ramirez and Soysal, and of tertiary education Schofer Meyer, , thus prescribing education agenda, especially in poorer countries with weaker national polities e.
And still, the worldwide isomorphism that resulted from the decades of policy borrowing and lending has nevertheless preserved cross-national differences in education capacities and outcomes Baker and LeTendre, The complexity of the global governance regime for education thinly veils the overwhelming thematic coherence of education governance worldwide. In other words, in spite of the heterogeneity within the transnational advocacy network and the rapid growth of the constituents involved in this governance regime, the focus remains on conceiving of education as a means for societal development.
This focus drives forwards several worldwide trends in the governance of education. Currently, three main trends are dominant worldwide: systemic mode of decentralization, administrative mode of research-based policy-making, and content mode of emphasis on lifelong learning. The first such broad and worldwide, towards decentralization in the provision of education, is often accompanied and conditioned by a parallel trend towards privatization and marketization Gingrich Decentralization of education governance means that competencies for the management, financing, curriculum design and personnel are delegated from the national to lower levels of government, such as subnational and local governments as well as schools themselves.
Even though this is a powerful international trend, national contexts, of course, influence how it manifests itself in different countries. Thus, in this context, further decentralization amounts to the delegation of responsibilities down to the level of individual schools, which are independent from the local educational authorities e. In other cases, for instance Germany, decentralization implied the delegation of autonomy to individual schools within existing governance structures, i.
In the context of developing countries, we can also witness a similar process of marketization and privatization in the governance of education, but it plays out very differently as it is entangled with the ongoing expansion of educational opportunities, in particular at the level of higher education. In African countries, for instance, the recent wave of expansion in tertiary enrolment went along with a significant expansion of the role of private institutions in higher education Varghese Private households were increasingly willing and able to pay for education, but state institutions often lacked the fiscal and administrative capacities to meet this increasing demand both from households as well as employers.
Hence, private institutions increasingly played an important role filling this gap. As mentioned above, in the short run, this type of privatization can promote social progress by granting access to education to those who were formerly excluded, but in the long run, a continued failure of public institutions may promote segregation. It is difficult to single out one specific driving factor of the trend towards decentralization, but there are several plausible candidates.
First, in the Western world, over the course of the s and s, the public i. Second, central governments may also have developed an interest in offloading some responsibilities to lower levels of government, in particular in times when fiscal and budget constraints became increasingly binding so that unpopular decisions about cutbacks could be delegated to lower levels of governments. Furthermore, the mobilization of private sources of funding in the form of fees or the involvement of private educational providers could partly compensate for the lack of public funding, which may be a more important driving force of privatization and marketization in the developing and middle-income countries, where educational aspirations of the newly affluent middle classes are thwarted by public governance failures.
Finally, the professionalization of education management went along with the emergence of New Public Management NPM as the dominant paradigm of administrative decision-making. From the perspective of NPM, promoting competition between schools, both within the public system as well as between public and private providers, is believed to increase the overall efficiency of the system.
What are the potential consequences of decentralization with regard to the potential of education to contribute to the social progress? This question is difficult to answer empirically, and it very much depends on the specific implementation of decentralization reforms.
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In the Western world, there are good reasons to believe that decentralization, privatization and marketization will and does already have negative consequences with regard to social and educational inequality as well as social progress in general. In the developing countries, in contrast, marketization may promote educational expansion in the short run, compensating for the lack of responsiveness on the part of the public education system.
In the long run, however, the entrenchment of a private sector may contribute to segregation, as it has done in some rich-world democracies. A crucial factor in this respect is the extent to which competition between schools and higher education institutions is constrained by public regulations. When a higher degree of institutional autonomy in resource management as well as pedagogical matters is accompanied by a decentralized system of education finance, decentralization can result in a growing heterogeneity between institutions.
Wealthy schools would then increasingly be concentrated in wealthy districts, being able to attract better students and better teachers. Elitist private universities could close their doors to aspiring students from lower social backgrounds. Once an institutional regime is established — and in particular, once it has become entangled with housing and residential patterns as well as career choices — it can be very difficult to change politically, because public opposition against redistributing resources away from the wealthy to the poorer districts will be significant as households have adjusted their housing and lifetime financial choices accordingly.
On the positive side, it could be argued that the decentralization in the provision of education allows for a greater involvement of local stakeholders, in particular parents, teachers and students, in designing the pedagogical content of the curriculum. Granting schools more autonomy could also promote the embeddedness of schools in local contexts, nurturing civil society and social capital. In higher education, decentralization would allow universities to develop individual profiles, building on their respective strengths.
In contexts, where the public system is plagued with management problems and governance inefficiencies, private autonomous institutions may be more effective and efficient. Second, the governance of education globally and worldwide is turning towards research-based policy-making.
Much along the reorientation of policy-making in the fields of healthcare and welfare, education policy-making too is increasingly anchored in methodical study and scientized evidence, which are accepted as providing a solid — namely, professional and value-neutral — basis for decision-making on matters of supervision, control, capacity, efficiency, operations and structure. This research-based governance mode is inspired by cultural trends towards scientization and quantification see, Drori and Meyer, ; Espeland and Sauder, and expresses a high form of administrative rationalization Drori, Applied to education, this research-based mode of governance has primarily introduced practices of assessment of various aspects of education provision such as education outcomes, also of comparative performance and of administrative capacity such as financial and human resources.
Globally, most evident is the policy fascination with internationally comparative testing, such as PISA and TIMSS, under the assumption that curricula and student achievements are indeed universal and comparable Kamens and McNeely, Moreover, this impulse for research-based governance furthers the privatization of policy-making: with preliminary research required for each policy initiative, much of this research is subcontracted, or outsourced, to experts and think tanks.
Few governmental policy agencies, most notably the intergovernmental OECD, maintain the capacity for the extensive research that is required to substantiate policy-making. Overall, the dramatic growth of international and national educational testing and the dramatic expansion of education assessment practices signal the rise of a rationalized governance regime for education. This governance mode steers education towards administrative-focused regime and is often criticized as diverting attention away from content-specific and context-specific policy-making.
Third, whereas global and cross-national education policies focused until the s on mass schooling and, with the advent of the global knowledge economy, also on tertiary education and innovation, the contemporary substantive focus for education governance is on lifelong learning. The orientation towards education as a continuous, and often also self-motivated, learning and skilling is spurred by the rapid changes of the global economy and the labor force. Such changes include the longevity of individuals, which extends the employability of working adults; they also introduce great uncertainty as to the competencies that are required for future gainful and productive employment.
Indeed, contemporary education policies globally and cross-nationally advocate a paradigm shift in pedagogy — towards flexible and non-formal education, towards digital literacy, and towards agentic learners. Here too we see evidence for the complexity and heterogeneity of global, international and transnational advocacy networks of organziations, creating a global mode of education governance.
Over the course of the globalization of education policy-making, formally since the mid-nineteenth century until today, there is a consistent and unwavering commitment to the vision that education is a means for societal development. Nevertheless, the definition of what accounts for development and of the mechanisms by which education is to contribute to development have varied over time and across polities.
This tension is expressed clearly in policy documents, which on the one hand proclaims the universal importance of knowledge and learning and the virtues of erudition while, on the other hand, specify particularistic national, ethnic, or religious conditions and goals for designing education and for harnessing it towards human wellbeing. Given the diverse background conditions that different countries are facing, it is difficult to come up with policy recommendations that would hold independent of context.
In fact, a first and foremost recommendation would be that in considering and devising governance reforms, policy-makers need to take into institutional, political and social contexts as well as policy legacies and path dependencies. A complementary recommendation would be to pay more attention to the cultural foundations of educational governance, which have implications for the effectiveness of how governance works in different countries.
In spite of these considerations, there is certainly a lot of potential to learn from each other: Thus, a second recommendation is to engage in transnational processes of communication, which can be enhanced by input from evidence-based research and the systematic involvement of a diverse set of governmental and non-governmental stakeholders. In order to create lasting and legitimate policy solutions, evidence-based policy-making needs to be connected to processes of societal mobilization and organization. Furthermore, a transnational process of problem-oriented policy learning should respect national and subnational diversity in addressing governance problems in education and beyond , while striving for a common understanding of problems and challenges at the same time.
While section 3. We summarize central insights gleaned from research on 1 characteristics of educational institutions that facilitate learning and 2 relevant attitudes and competencies of educators esp. The section mostly focuses on facilitators of education as means of social progress at the level of institutions and educators, the most relevant barriers are described in the final part. In line with the four goals of education as means for social progress, educational institutions and educators should contribute to the promotion of ….
We are describing the necessary qualities of institutions and competencies of educators from a psychological perspective. This was chosen as the psychological perspective can address basic motivations, attitudes, and competencies that are considered to be universal and decisive for all individuals.
Additionally, these levels of education have been shown to have a high and sustainable influence on personal and finally societal developments cf. Campbell et al. As the mission of universities is not purely an educational one, and only a select group of students come into contact with these institutions, we will give them only the occasional mention here. These three quality areas are linked to the three levels discussed above: process quality corresponds with the microlevel, quality of orientation with the mesolevel, and structural quality with the macrolevel.
The classification scheme of qualities is primarily used in research on early childhood education cf. Scheerens, Thus, the three quality areas repeatedly come up when examining the characteristics of effective educational institutions in line with our goals in the following sections. Kindergartens There is a growing body of research recognizing that early childhood education and care brings a wide range of benefits, both social and economic: better child well-being and learning outcomes; more equitable outcomes and a reduction in poverty; increased intergenerational social mobility; greater female labor market participation and gender equality; increased fertility rates; and better social and economic development for society at large OECD, ; Campbell et al.
Numerous studies conducted in various countries demonstrate that participation in systematic preschool education per se as well as the length of attendance at kindergarten, pre-school etc. The rate of grade retention among children from disadvantaged families and immigrant backgrounds shows a particularly strong reduction. However, not only the length of attendance matters.
In fact the quality these institutions have has an important influence on the outcomes cf. Here, the quality areas mentioned above are of relevance and have to be viewed considering their interdependency. There is a substantial correlation between process quality and various aspects of structural quality and quality of orientation: For example, process quality and student-educator-ratio are related. As better the ratio as higher the quality. Higher process quality is observed when educators are better paid.
But a high level of education of educators seems to represent only a necessary not a sufficient condition for ensuring good process quality. Traditional, less individual-oriented convictions among educators have negative effects on process quality. But the relative importance of structural conditions can vary depending on cultural context.
While the influence of any single quality aspect is usually rather small; taken together, they form a potent package. High institutional quality is shown to have consistent short, middle and long term effects. Results concerning social development are mixed. Furthermore, high institutional quality is related to a higher ability to cope with everyday situations.
However, with regard to long-term effects, the quality of the subsequent school plays an important role. If the subsequent school has low quality, the positive effects of high quality preschool education diminish. All in all, a growing body of research recognizes that early childhood education and care brings a wide range of benefits, including social and economic ones: better child well-being and learning outcomes; more equitable outcomes and reduction of poverty; increased intergenerational social mobility; higher female labour market participation and gender equality; increased fertility rates; and better social and economic development for society at large.
Research further shows that quality matters a lot, in particular the everyday process quality. The literature clearly shows that money invested in early childhood development and education yield extraordinary public returns. Governments are increasingly working to assist families and support children. However, there are large differences in the percentage of their GDP the countries spent on childcare and preschool. Furthermore, the quality of childcare, kindergarten, and preschool education is very mixed. Schools Obviously, the three quality areas process quality, structural quality, and quality of orientation are also of high relevance for schools.
However, respective research does not focus on these quality areas, but on school effectiveness and quality management. This encompasses a positive school climate among students as well as between students and teachers and among the teaching staff. This requires school-level reflection with regard to its pedagogical work. Sustainably successful schools need to fulfill all six parameters together as they are highly related.
However, even in the OECD countries this high level of school quality is only partly realized with high variation across countries. Conclusions The opportunities for implementing these parameters vary internationally and across cultures. Nevertheless, professionalization of educators and educational institutions is needed. This professionalization should explicitly seek to target all four educational goals and take responsibility for achieving them. So far, there is a lack of models that explicitly and cohesively describe necessary competencies for educators, teachers and school principals.
One such approach was presented by Schober, Klug, Finsterwald, Wagner and Spiel and refers to schools in its original form. The same basic idea can easily be broadened to include other educational institutions as kindergartens. The approach will be described in the next subsection. The approach presented by Schober et al. As a guiding maxim for behavior, educators daycare educators, kindergarten teachers, preschool teachers, school teachers, etc.
Concretely, these competencies are: being able to 1 define learning goals; 2 take targeted measures to achieve these goals; 3 measure and assess whether and to what extent goals have been achieved; 4 derive new measures as a consequence of this; 5 initiate and conduct internal evaluations i.
The extent to which these competencies are necessary certainly vary by group of actors educators vs principals and by level e. Nevertheless, they are equally valid for all actors regardless of whether they work in schools or in pre-schools, whether they are involved in direct instruction or in leading the institution as a whole. Table 1 in the Appendix specifies these six competencies for result-oriented quality development more in detail.
Comprehensive and fundamental determinants for all six competencies are a a fundamentally positive attitude towards evaluation, b the willingness to take responsibility, and c high self-efficacy and self-worth. R esponsibility means that educators and principals must feel connected to the goals of their institutions and believe that they can be achieved. Taking responsibility, in turn, requires high self-worth and a high self-efficacy. A further d fundamental determinant is to view diversity as an opportunity. Differences among individuals in terms of abilities and starting points must be recognized in setting goals and taken into account in designing instruction.
This particularly applies to the areas of multiculturalism cf. Related to this, it is also necessary to explicitly view a much wider range of competencies as resources and a source of student potential, rather than just a few cf. Furthermore, the macrolevel has to provide respective high professional education for teachers and principals. Having in mind the described characteristics of successful educational institutions and of the competencies educators and principals should have for results-oriented quality development, several barriers could be brought into discussion. They obviously vary across cultures and countries.
In the following we mention four central barriers that are of general relevance. The section focuses on characteristics of institutions, educators and principals that contribute to their ability to work towards the four goals enabling social progress rather independently of specific cultural and national contexts. They are expected to put learners in the position to actively participate in shaping their educational careers, gather information and have confidence in their ability to overcome challenges and uncertainty. Learners have to be prepared for overcoming social barriers — both of a personal nature and with regard to society in general.
In the following we provide recommendations for institutions and educators to be facilitators to education as a means for social progress. The recommendations address all three levels mentioned before macro, meso, micro :. Educational institutions should not only focus on their respective educational duties but also recognize their shared r esponsibility for social progress, for successful incoming and outgoing transitions and for the complete educational careers of their students.
This responsibility about what happens before and after learners are part of their own institution also needs to be better anchored within universities. This is recommended as they are actively involved in the training of educators in many countries. The support of the four goals of education and consequently the promotion of social progress is not only dependent on governance, institutions, and educators but also on content of education curriculum and pedagogy which is the topic of this subsection. In the first part we discuss the power of content and pedagogy in promoting social progress.
Based on this, we focus first on relevant aspects of the content of education and two further parts deal with important trends in pedagogy. The description of barriers and facilitators for promoting social progress and the influencing factors of the three levels macro, meso, micro are integrated in all subsections. Considering the high relevance of school for lifelong development, achievement, well-being and further basic values of social progress this section primarily focuses on schooling.
For those in primary and secondary education, what happens in classrooms is the main shaper of their experiences of schooling and dominates future memories. It also plays important roles in shaping identities, constructing citizenship, preparing learners for the workforce, sustaining and renewing cultural traditions, and developing capabilities that matter to individuals and society. Education does not always do these things well, or with balanced emphasis.
Curriculum and pedagogy are also ultimately where the vast majority of educational funding goes in the form of the recurrent costs of teacher salaries. Surprisingly, despite the centrality of curriculum and pedagogy to the experience and benefits of education, and despite the costs of staff to deliver and enact them, in comparative perspective they are relatively under-researched and they receive insufficient attention in terms of, for example, aid funding to education, as compared to questions of access and outcomes.
The content taught in schools is expressed in a curriculum, which may be more or less controlled and centralised. Many, but not all, countries have a state or sub-national curriculum. This sets out the knowledge that learners are expected to command, and also in most cases defines particular skills they should acquire and sometimes the values that are intended to be inculcated.
Where the national curriculum is tightly framed, it is also common to have state-prescribed textbooks which buttress this control over content. While a common curriculum can potentially support equity by equalising entitlement, the use of imposed state curricula to oppress citizens in totalitarian or racist regimes is well-documented.
Whatever the explicit learning outcomes might be, the content of teaching and learning also has an implicit dimension, known as the hidden curriculum, which sends strong but oblique messages to learners. For example, the ways that women are portrayed in textbooks — the jobs they do, the ways they communicate, the clothes they wear, who is loved and who is not — set out a normative framework for learners that has deep effects on their own identities and understandings of what to expect from others, regardless of whether the official line advocates equality for women as a learning goal.
Pedagogy is a complex and highly culture-bound process and this is perhaps among the explanations for the lack of attention it receives by researchers and funders. On one level, pedagogy consists of the observable methods and interactions that take place in classrooms. These govern what teachers do, although habit and imitation are highly significant as well.
All the lessons in the world have a number of shared and familiar ingredients: tasks, activities, teacher judgments, and interactions, structured through use of time, space and student institution, and, over the cycles of the school year, routines, rules, and rituals Alexander, Within this there are context-specific variations which create a plethora of approaches.
We explore one of these — learner-centred approaches — in the section below. What have these to do with social progress and with the four goals of education as set out above? There are a number of issues around content and pedagogy which relate to the question of equity. The curriculum often caters far better for some parts of the population rather than others, and privileges particular forms of dominant knowledge that reinforce an unequal status quo.
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Language of instruction strongly governs access to the curriculum for learners. On the other hand, teaching ABOUT inequality through the use of critical thinking has the potential to interrupt cycles of reproduction. Teachers send out strong messages about who is able, who is powerful and who is in charge through how they interact with students. Classroom discussions may be dominated by boys, by dominant ethnic groups, by those whose parents are better educated, or by those with good language competency, disenfranchising others and reminding them of their lower status.
Schools are a primary site for socialization for children and adolescents in particular, for whom relationships with individuals outside the home gain increasing importance. Although schooling structures can be sites in which adolescents are socialized to reproduce existing social class hierarchies Bourdieu, , they are also — at least potentially - mechanisms for upward mobility. The relationships children form through school have been theorized to be instrumental in their access to resources and support.
Transmitted through these relationships, the realization of academic and career goals can be fostered. The four goals of education are supported — or undermined — by content and pedagogy. The nature of civics as a subject area or cross-curricular theme — for example whether it is limited to knowledge about governmental structures and prescriptions about obedient citizens, or whether through critical pedagogy it questions inequalities and power — shapes understandings of the possibilities and limits of democratic political and civic participation.
The curriculum has the potential to contribute to the redistribution of opportunity by debunking myths of in-group superiority; equally, it can reinforce social stratification when different curricula are offered to different groups of students and those groups align with relative privilege. As noted above, textbooks and other curricular resources can communicate messages to students that build or undermine their confidence in terms of what they can achieve. A pedagogy for equality is one which allows equal participation and promotes critical questioning of privilege.
In particular, it has been frequently argued that international efforts have focused far too narrowly on increasing access to formal education, without attending to the quality of learning actually taking place in schools. There has been a failure to ensure that schooling actually leads to education, resulting in a need to recapture the broad understanding of education and its purpose in future goals and frameworks.
These critiques highlight the need for policy and practice to attend not just to learning outcomes, but also to the learning process and the role of pedagogy in providing quality education United Nations, Additionally, identity formation as one highly relevant cross-subject theme is discussed in more detail. Among the striking features of contemporary global education is the consolidation of a globally recognized core curriculum.
Such curriculum describes the subjects and themes that are considered the basis for those personal competencies and for the societal capacities that are required for 21st century progress worldwide Trilling and Fadel, ; Rotherham and Willingham, Whereas post World War II international education policies concentrated mostly on basic literacy, currently the global core curriculum includes a much expanded list of subjects and themes.
Chief among them is STEM science, technology, engineering and math , which is adjusted per education level to build the required general science and math knowledge and skills. These three general curricular areas — STEM, citizenship-, and post-literacy education — differ in their worldwide appeal: drawing upon the definition of science as a universal body of human knowledge, STEM is the most internationally standardized curricular areas, whereas citizenship- and post-literacy curricula are treated with greater sensitivity to local social traditions.
And still, on the whole, all three curricular areas are included in international policy recommendations regarding education and progress. The sweeping endorsement of this global core curriculum is predicated on the non-contested expectation that education is the mechanism for delivering social progress, namely prosperity, wellbeing, justice and security.
Therefore, while education in general is hailed as the panacea for social ills and goods, the impact of the subjects and themes that are incorporated into the global core curriculum is specifically articulated. In these ways, education in general and the 21st century global core curriculum in particular are defined as both a means to a social end and as a human right.
The global core curriculum is set as a policy recommendation and its implementation worldwide is voluntary. Nevertheless, the authority of such education principals as UNESCO to specify and prescribe this curricular model propels the diffusion of the universalized curriculum to societies worldwide. The nature of globalisation demands that educational programs in all countries prepare young people to understand global relationships and concerns, cope with complex problems and live with rapid change and uncertainty.
Insufficient recognition, particularly in LAMICs low and middle income countries , of the importance of these issues in international education and development policy, not to mention research, undermines international efforts to engage all citizens around the world with developmental processes and debates in providing quality education to all.
Who am I? What shall I do with my life? Questions of identity can and do arise at many points in life, but they are particular and intense during adolescence. The term identity has been used to refer to many different phenomena, such as goals, values or beliefs.
From a social-psychological and sociological perspective, individuals have multiple identities: one can be Indian, female and planning to be a teacher in the future. In addition to being shaped by dispositions, motivations and individual experiences, the process of identity development can be influenced by the social and cultural environment. Adolescents in schooling in most countries spend a minimum of 20 hours a week during at least 10 months of the year.
There is, however, not only a lack of empirical research analyzing identity formation in school contexts, but also a lack of recommendations on how schools can actively contribute to identity formation in positive ways that promote individual choice and emancipation. The transition from adolescence to adulthood has become far more extended, individualized and complex than in the midth century. It is of particular importance that schools with students from poorer socioeconomic backgrounds provide such opportunities for their students.
Cultural background and gender are significant aspects of identity in which schooling plays a significant role. For immigrants, school provides an opportunity to socialize. School is a place where both local and migrant children and youth spend a substantial part of the day. As a result, school has the potential to afford positive opportunities like friendships, learning about other cultures, understanding other ethnic groups; as well as negative experiences such as prejudice and racism, rejection and social exclusion, bullying and victimisation Schofield, having either positive or negative effects on identity formation in the domain of culture.
For realizing the described subjects and themes of education respective pedagogical measures are needed. In the following subsections two important trends in pedagogy are presented in more detail. What they all have in common is their reaction against teacher-centric approaches such as lecturing and drilling, and their emphasis on learner control over what is studied and how.
Learner-centred practice has been associated with social progress in a number of ways . Critical versions of LCE encourage questioning of received knowledge and of authority, also essential for democracy and for social change. By acknowledging and accommodating individual differences in terms of interests, talents and preferred approaches to learning, in theory LCE has the potential to promote equality in the classroom, at least in terms of processes, if not outcomes.
It also has the potential to promote learner engagement with schooling and by generating and channelling motivation, raise achievement across all groups of learners. LCE is also claimed to prepare all learners for the knowledge economy by creating flexible, lifelong learning practices that can respond to rapid change and the information revolution. The lack of evidence — or occasionally contradictory evidence — concerning the underpinning suppositions above are one source of critique.
What is especially compelling, however, is that whatever the potential of LCE, it cannot be realised within mainstream schooling where it does not embed into local systems, and in many lower-income countries where it has been an import, there have been unintended consequences of the introduction of LCE through policy reform. Research has offered a range of reasons for this, including teachers unaccustomed to learner-centred approaches and with little preparation; assessment regimes which test a fixed curriculum and memorised knowledge; and a lack of resources to support a wider range of learning activities in classrooms.
Beyond these issues of policy-practice gaps and accusations of neo-colonialism which have sometimes followed in lower-income contexts, research in the UK has suggested that not all learners are equally equipped to participate in learner-centred lessons, with already advantaged learners being more accustomed to stimulating learning activities and more practiced at expressing themselves Bernstein , Young Despite these challenges, it is striking how successful LCE has been with adult learners, such as those based on Freirian approaches Freire , and in alternative schools outside of the mainstream, such as those that follow the Montessori model.
What is perhaps needed is a new understanding of learner-centredness and approach to it. Policymakers and teachers can embrace its potential to uphold rights, encourage critical thinking and democratic exercise, and support the development of love for learning. However, given the cultural variations that will frame the enactment of such pedagogies, to be successful and to suit the local context it is essential that educational reform to pedagogy does not impose individualistic approaches where more collectivist ways of working are more culturally valued and have been educationally successful.
Reforms must also avoid making inappropriate or unrealistic demands on teachers. The limitations of this cultural relativity are where pedagogical approaches violate rights such as the use of corporal punishment or perpetuate or create inequalities for example by excluding students with less cultural capital. Begin with the obvious: the most drastic change over the past generation to the lives of both teachers and students is the explosion of digital technology.
In , universities began to create websites, email was still a novelty, and cell phones were costly and looked like small radios. Research was conducted via card catalogue at libraries and in encyclopedias. Google and Wikipedia were yet to be born. Today the world looks utterly different.
Access to the worldwide web, cellular technology and mobile computing, email, and social media have completely transformed what takes place inside and outside the schoolyard. Parents, teachers, and, above all others, students inhabit a hybrid world, interacting with distant others and information with ease. The opportunity to communicate via technology -- email, social media, text message -- marks one massive shift in the experience of teaching and learning.
A still larger shift is the digital accessibility of knowledge and information. And technology has also begun to transform classroom lessons: teachers and students create online learning opportunities, including testing and assessment. In recent years, technological innovation has done more than color the experience of teaching and learning inside and outside the classroom; it has threatened to replace the classroom entirely. In contrast, the aims of on-line distance education in low and middle income countries are often different from those of the higher income countries.
In the latter, moves to widen participation and lifelong learning for non-traditional learners are closely linked to the development of a strong knowledge economy. In contrast, in LAMICs motives for distance learning are often to provide basic and literacy education to large numbers of poor people, particularly in the rural areas. Lack of trained teachers has meant that several open learning initiatives in LAMICs have focused on educating and training their unqualified teaching force.
In sum, there is a variety of open and distance learning methods that have been successfully implemented with an outreach to the poorer and deprived groups in LAMICs. It is widely suggested that online technologies can help address issues of educational equity and social exclusion, and open up democratic and accessible educational opportunities. The national governments and non-government agencies who funded endeavours in LAMICs have advocated the use of new technologies to reduce the cost of reaching and educating large numbers of children and adults who are currently missing out on education.
Existing infrastructures allow only a few to develop communication and interaction skills and to become part of the new social networking paradigm. Education for the masses continues to be didactic and devoid of interaction and critique. And while e-learning may offer the opportunity to shift the distance learning paradigm from delivering of content towards learner-centred and discussion-led learning, continuing reliance on print material and broadcast technologies dominates in LAMICs Gulati Furthermore, using online education needs both high motivation and self-regulated learning competencies.
Therefore, as it was outlined in the section on LCE not all learners are prepared to profit from technology based education as online courses. Many of these technologies — email and the web, for instance — are so ubiquitous that we no longer see them as innovative; they are merely the medium through which we do business. But much more remains to be done in order to realize the educational promise of technology. For one, there is a digital divide between haves and have-nots, and extending access to the web through cellular and broadband technologies must be a global priority.
Beyond access, we need much more research on how most effectively to adopt blended learning strategies and to incorporate online learning opportunities in the classroom. But there is evidence, that online education often lacks respective didactical concepts and is not solidly based on learning theories.
Mostly, the technology dominates educational concepts and models. The idea that often has driven the adoption of technology in education is to save money and time. But the contrast is the case. High quality and successful use of ICT in education needs time and money. While there is ever greater recognition of the need to focus on pedagogy and learning, and the development of critical approaches to education that incorporate diverse perspectives and skills, uncertainty remains about precisely how to achieve this in practical terms.
Just as teachers cannot overhaul the education system alone, nations cannot counteract worldwide deficiencies in education systems in isolation. All can contribute to a global pool of expertise on how best to implement 21st century learning by forming alliances to overcome obstacles to overhauling education. In the following we provide recommendations for content and pedagogy addressing all three levels mentioned before macro, meso, micro :. Alexander, R. Border Crossings: Towards a comparative pedagogy. Comparative Education, 37 4 , Almond, G. Ansell, B. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Apple, M. Cultural politics and education, The John Dewey lecture. Ashley, L. Mcloughlin, M. Aslam, J. Engel, J. Wales, S. Rawal, R. Batley, G. Nicolai, and P. Baker, D. Stanford University Press. Ball, S. Global Education Inc. Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group. Becker, G. Benavot, A. Benson, L. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Biesta, G. Bloom, D. World Bank. Boli, J. Bonsen, M. Spiel, B. Schober, P. Reimann eds. Botticini, M. The Chosen Few. Bourdieu, P. Cultural reproduction and social reproduction.
Beattie eds. In , Cardiff University left the University of Wales, which shifted to a confederal structure in before being essentially dissolved following a series of scandals in In Imperial College left the University of London, raising fears about the future of that federal institution. However, it has survived and attracted new members, although many of the larger colleges now award their own degrees.
In , City University , London was the first institute to voluntarily surrender university status when it became a college of the University of London. In , The Guardian reported that hundreds of academics has been accused of bullying students and colleagues, leading to calls from Venki Ramakrishnan , president of the Royal Society , for an overhaul of workplace practices in universities and from Fiona Watt , chair of the Medical Research Council , for an annual national audit of bullying incidents.
In the years following the end of the Second World War, local education authorities LEAs paid student tuition fees and provided non-mature [ clarification needed ] students with a maintenance grant. Under the Education Act a national mandatory award of student maintenance grant was established, payable by the LEAs to students on most full-time courses. Instead of following Dearing's suggestions, the grant was replaced by the present loan scheme, introduced for students starting in From , the grant was abolished altogether. In fact, there is very little variation in the tuition fees charged by universities—nearly all charge the maximum tuition fee on all courses.
Instead, the differences appear in the nature and value of various 'access' bursaries that are on offer. There has been considerable debate since the s about the tendency toward vocationalism and the decline in the humanities, as well as a growing mindset among senior administrators that is preoccupied with marketing and corporate-like measures of "success.
Universities in the United Kingdom do not have a coherent system of funding or governance, and both remain heavily debated. Both degree awarding powers and university title are controlled under UK law, and it is illegal for an institution to call itself a university or to purport to offer UK degrees without authorisation. Institutions may hold taught degree awarding powers, allowing them to award ordinary and honours bachelor's degrees and taught master's degrees, and research degree awarding powers, allowing them additionally to award master's degrees by research and doctoral degrees.
Institutions with taught degree powers may be awarded the title of "university college", but for university title an institution must hold research degree awarding powers, as well as having over full-time equivalent FTE students, with over degree on level courses and at least higher education students in each of five broad subject areas. The rules in England and Wales diverged from those in Scotland and Northern Ireland in and were further modified in with the introduction of foundation degree awarding powers for further education colleges.
Under these regulations, which remain in force in Wales, while taught and research degree awarding powers are awarded indefinitely to institutions in the publicly funded higher education sector, they are time limited to six years for other institutions e. The rules for university title allowed institutions holding only taught degree awarding powers to become universities in England and Wales from , and the requirement for minimum student numbers across five broad subject areas was dropped. The overall higher education FTE student number criterion remained at , with on degree level courses clarified to include foundation degrees, which has been introduced since the regulations.
The final award of degree awarding powers continued to rest with the Privy Council; for university title it lay with the Privy Council for publicly funded institutions while alternative providers had to get permission to use University in their name under the Companies Act , the recommendation in both cases coming from the Higher Education Funding Council for England HEFCE via the relevant government department in England or from the Welsh Government. A new tier of degree awarding powers — bachelor's degree awarding powers, allowing the award of degrees up to level 6 on the Framework for Higher Education Qualifications — was introduced.
Under this act, degree awarding powers were made available on a probationary basis, termed "New DAPs" to providers without a track record in higher education, who had previously had to have a validation agreement with a recognised body to establish a track record prior to gaining their own powers. Providers with a track record of the years or more can apply for time-limited "Full DAPs" and those who have held time-limited date awarding powers for more than three years can apply for "Indefinite DAPs". Another change is that degree awarding powers can now be limited to some subjects rather than covering all possible degrees at that level as previously.
There is also an intention to make it possible for institute to gain research degree awarding powers without taught degree awarding powers. New criteria for university title will apply for applications from April , the government had started its intention that student numbers limits will be removed but that the criterion that 55 percent of students are on higher education courses will remain, and that providers with bachelor's degree awarding powers and single subject degree awarding powers will be eligible for university title.
The OfS will take over the responsibility of granting degree awarding powers and university title from the Privy Council, and will also be responsible for the awarding of university title to institutions outside of the publicly funded higher education sector. The act gives OfS the ability to remove indefinite degree awarding powers and university title from any institution in England, including those granted these by royal charter. Governance of universities is set by each university's constitution, typically deriving from an Act of Parliament , a Royal Charter or an Order in Council issued by the Privy Council.
The most progressive models support a high degree of voice for staff and students, with the Higher Education Code of Governance stating that: "There is an expectation, often enshrined within the constitutional documents of HEIs, that governing bodies will contain staff and student members and encourage their full and active participation. Four members are elected by heads of colleges, four by professors and readers, eight by other academic fellows, three by students, four by a "grace" a vote of the whole Regent House.
In Scotland, the Universities Scotland Act , with amendments by the Higher Education Governance Scotland Act , contains minimum standards for the composition of courts, with a Rector elected by students but at Edinburgh University , staff also vote and an elected Vice-Chairman. Also there are student members, employee representatives and co-opted lay members.
For instance, Aberdeen University has up to a 22 person "court", with an elected Rector and a person she or he chooses, a principal plus one she or he chooses, a vice-principal 5 members , 2 members appointed by the local councils, 4 members appointed by the General Council, 6 members from the Senatus Academicus, and up to 5 co-opted members. In England and Wales, the pattern is more haphazard and often deficient in representation. The constitution of the London School of Economics , which unusually takes the legal form of a company limited by guarantee , currently requires its 17 member "Council" to have two student representatives, and three staff representatives.
This says that university governing bodies with constitutions issued by the Privy Council should have between 12 and 24 members, with up to thirteen lay members, up to two teachers, up to two students, and between one and nine members co-opted by the others. Before , universities were funded mainly by central government, although they have been increasingly reliant on charging students and seeking to raise private capital. First, universities have the power to generate income through endowment trust funds , accumulated over generations of donations and investment.
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For England and Wales, the Secretary of State appoints 12 to 15 members and the chair, of which 6 to 9 should be academics and the remainder with "industrial, commercial or financial" backgrounds. Funds are administered at the councils' discretion but must consult with "bodies representing the interests of higher education institutions" such as the University and College Union and Universities UK. Third, and most controversially, funding may come from charging students. From WW2 tuition fees in the UK were effectively abolished and local authorities paid maintenance grants.
The Education Act formally required this position for all UK residents,  and this continued through the expansion of university places recommended by the Robbins Report of Further, appointed in , the Dearing Report argued for the introduction of tuition fees because it said graduates had "improved employment prospects and pay. The same rates apply for European Union students, who cannot be discriminated against under EU law.
A system of student loans is available for UK students through the government owned Student Loans Company. Means-tested grants were also available, but abolished for students who began university after August While EU students qualify for the same fees as UK students, they only qualify for loans or previously grants if they have been resident for three years in the UK. There are only five private universities the charitable University of Buckingham and Regent's University London , and the for-profit institutions The University of Law ,  BPP University and Arden University  where the government does not subsidise the tuition fees.
Non-European Union students are not subsidised by the UK government and so have to pay much higher tuition fees. Rights to other standards go for staff, or students, universities are subject to both judicial review and rights in contract law because they are seen as having both an equally "public" and "private" nature. However, the shorter time limit of three months in judicial review was more appropriate than six years in contract. All UK universities are formally independent bodies. With the exception of three private for-profit universities, British universities are formally charities.
UK universities have four principal charity regulators. In England, most all but twenty, as of May higher education institutes are exempt charities that are not registered with the Charity Commission; the principal regulator for universities that are exempt charities is the Office for Students while for those that are not exempt it is the Charity Commission. Universities in the UK have a wide variety of legal structures, leading to differences in their rights and powers, and in who is a member of the corporate body of the university.
The most common form among "old" universities is incorporation by royal charter. The form and objectives of the corporation are laid down in the individual charter and statutes, but commonly all graduates are members of the university. Many London colleges were also incorporated by this route. At the ancient Scottish universities the corporation is formed, under the Universities Scotland Act , by the university court rather than the graduates. Newcastle University is the only English university to be purely a statutory corporation , and the only "old" university not incorporated by royal charter, having been created by the Universities of Durham and Newcastle upon Tyne Act Durham and London, while both incorporated by royal charter, have statutes made under Acts of Parliament rather than under their charters in the case of Durham, this arrangement dates back to its creation by Act of Parliament in , while for London it dates from the university's reconstitution by Act of Parliament in This makes them both chartered and statutory corporations.
At Oxford and Cambridge, incorporated by a public Act of Parliament in , only graduates who have proceeded to the academic rank of MA are members of the university. Their statues are made under Acts of Parliament, thus they are also considered statutory corporations for some purposes. Most new universities are Higher Education Corporations, a form of corporation created by the Education Reform Act to incorporate the polytechnics independently of their local councils. In a higher education corporation, only the governing board is incorporated, not the graduates.
Some newer London colleges share this status. Some new universities are companies limited by guarantee , a common form of incorporation used inter alia for some charities. The London School of Economics is also incorporated in this manner. This was also the original form of Durham University at that time also a church university between its foundation in and its incorporation by royal charter in Under the Education Reform Act , higher education providers will be either recognised bodies or listed bodies. A recognised body is defined as "a university, college or other body which is authorised by Royal Charter or by or under Act of Parliament to grant degrees"  or a body authorised by such a body "to act on its behalf in the granting of degrees"  this later category covers the colleges of the University of London with regard to the issuing of London degrees.
The first merger between British universities was that between King's College, Aberdeen and Marischal College, Aberdeen under the Universities Scotland Act to form the University of Aberdeen , explicitly maintaining the foundation date of King's College. There have also been a number of mergers between colleges of the University of London, of particular note is the merger of Royal Holloway College and Bedford College in by Act of Parliament.
Cardiff University merged with the University of Wales Institute of Science and Technology in , and then re-merged with the University of Wales College of Medicine in , the two having previously been separated in the s. At around the same time a merger was proposed between Imperial College London and University College London , but was abandoned following protests. In , a merger was proposed between two universities in Scotland : University of Abertay Dundee and University of Dundee.
This similarly did not occur. In Wales, the University of Wales Lampeter and Trinity University College merged in to form the University of Wales, Trinity Saint David , with Swansea Metropolitan University joining in and the University of Wales committed to joining once out has completed its commitments to current students. UK universities can be categorised in a number of different ways. One of the earliest was by George Edwin Maclean in a report for the US Department of the Interior,  who split the universities into ancient universities of England including Durham  , Scottish universities, the University of London, the "new or provincial universities", and the university colleges Maclean's report only covered England and Scotland, Wales is thus omitted.
The Robbins Report split the then existing universities into seven categories: the ancient universities of England, the ancient universities of Scotland, the University of London, the older civic universities of England Maclean's "new or provincial" universities, with the addition of Durham, which at the time took in Newcastle , the University of Wales, the newer civic universities of England mostly comprising Maclean's university colleges , and the new foundations in England the plate glass universities.
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In the early s the University Grants Commission divided British universities by age into five groups by age and location. The English universities were divided into three: ancient, Durham and London, and the civic universities, with the other groups being the ancient Scottish universities then the only universities in Scotland and the University of Wales then the only university in Wales.
These are actual groupings with defined memberships: . A report in used grouping analysis to divide UK universities into four tiers based on how elite they were based on data on academic selectivity, research activity, teaching quality, socio-economic exclusivity and economic resources. The top tier consisted of only Oxford and Cambridge.
The second tier contained the remaining universities from the Russell Group along with the former members of the defunct Group except for the University of Essex , all of the pre universities in Scotland, and the University of Kent. The third tier was the remaining pre universities with the exception of the University of Wales Trinity Saint David UWTSD , which is technically pre as it operates under the University of Wales, Lampeter 's Royal Charter , many of the former polytechnics and central institutions, and a few former HE colleges that became university colleges and then universities after the polytechnics.
Applications are normally made during the final year of secondary school, prior to students receiving their final results, with schools providing predicted grades for their students. Some art and design courses have a later deadline of 24 March. Applications received up to 30 June are sent to universities, after this date they go straight into Clearing. Offers are made by early May for applications received by 15 January and by mid July for applications received by 30 June. Applicants who apply late, do not receive or accept any offers, or who do not meet the conditions of their offer, go into Clearing, which opens in early July although it is busiest directly after A-level results are announced.
Most UK providers advertise courses they have not filled during the standard application period through Clearing. Around half of British universities had one or more courses that require an entrance examination as of in addition to secondary school qualifications. These include many medicine and dentistry courses as well as popular courses in law and mathematics. British higher education has a strong international reputation, with over half of international students citing this as one of the main factors in deciding to study in the UK compared to 22 percent of international students studying in Canada, 21 percent in Australia and 15 percent in the US.
Each year since , Times Higher Education has compiled a "Table of Tables" to combine the results of the 3 mainstream league tables. A further 5 UK universities 12 in total rank in the top The Academic Ranking of World Universities also places Cambridge 3rd in and Oxford 7th consistently in the world top ten. In specific subject rankings, UK universities have performed well with a quarter of all top rankings taken by British Universities in the QS rankings.
The University of Oxford is rated top in most subjects among British universities, with the Royal College of Art first in the world for art and design, the Institute of Education, part of University College London , for education, University of Sussex for Development Studies and Loughborough University for Sports-related subjects. In England and Wales the majority of young full-time university students live away from home,  which is not generally the case for universities in most European countries, such as Italy and Spain.
Most universities in the United Kingdom provide or at least help organise rented accommodation for many of their students, particularly in the first year; some British universities provide accommodation for the full duration of their courses. As a result, the lifestyle of university students in the United Kingdom can be quite different from those of European universities where the majority of students live at home with their parents.
The introduction of university fees paid by students from onwards has led many English and Welsh students to apply to institutions closer to their family's homes to reduce the additional costs of moving and living farther away. The University of London from its reform in ,  and the University of Wales from its inception in until its reform in , have been federal universities.
They have a central governing body with overall responsibility for the maintenance of standards at the constituent colleges. Recently, however, there has been considerable pressure from the larger colleges to become more autonomous and, in some cases, completely independent institutions. Cardiff's departure and policies pursued by the Welsh Government have led to the break-up of the University of Wales, which is in the process of merging with the University of Wales Trinity Saint David , with an expected completion date of The University of Buckingham was the only private university in the UK until Two universities, Bishop Grosseteste University in Lincoln and the University of Chester , are unincorporated trusts under the trusteeship of their local Church of England dioceses.
The University of Warwick , originally to be named the University of Warwickshire when it was established in , is several miles from Warwick , the county town , and is situated on the southern edge of Coventry in the West Midlands county. Following the county boundary changes , Warwick University 's campus straddles the Warwickshire and city of Coventry boundary, although many of its students live in the nearby towns of Kenilworth and Leamington Spa , Warwickshire.
In common with practice worldwide, graduates of universities in the United Kingdom often place not only their academic qualifications but also the names of the universities that awarded them after their name, the university typically but not universally being placed in parentheses, thus: John Smith, Esq , BSc Sheffield , or John Smith BSc Sheffield.
Degrees are generally listed in ascending order of seniority followed by diplomas. Some older British universities are regularly denoted by an abbreviation of their Latin name. More recently established universities also sometimes use Latin abbreviations, especially when they share the name of an episcopal see, in which case they sometimes use the same abbreviation that the bishop uses for his signature. On 30 March the University of Oxford issued a document entitled " Oxford University Calendar : Notes on Style", which promulgated a new system of abbreviations for use in publications of that university.
The general rule is to use the first syllable and the first letter of the second syllable. Thus Oxford and Cambridge became 'Oxf' and 'Camb'. The change was controversial p. This document also counsels against the use of parentheses. A study by the Sutton Trust in found that, after taking student loan repayments into account, a higher apprenticeship at level 5 in the national qualifications frameworks delivered higher lifetime earnings on average than a degree from a non- Russell Group university. Despite this, polling for the report found that apprenticeships have a lower perceived value than degrees.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies has agreed with other institutions which have found that graduates of professional programs such as medicine, law, maths, business and economics are likely to earn much higher lifetime earnings than graduates of a humanities program such as the creative arts.
It also found that there is a wide variation in graduate earnings within subjects, even between graduates with the same degree from the same institution. One reason for this variation is the wealth of graduates' family backgrounds, but subject and institution choice as well as prior education attainment level can be a more significant determinant.
They argue that the graduate premium has been diluted by the large number of graduates, in particular those with non-vocational degrees from non-elite institutions. Making matters worse, employers have responded to the oversupply of graduates by raising the academic requirements of many occupations higher than is really necessary to perform the work. The study concludes by asking "why bother to study at any other than the top few institutions when a lifetime of debt will be the almost certain consequence? What then of the public good of having a huge range of purely academic courses on offer?
A study by the Office for National Statistics found that, although university graduates are consistently more likely to be employed than non-graduates, they are increasingly likely to be overqualified for the jobs which they do hold. In a study, the National Audit Office reported that, although some progress has been made in increasing STEM subject enrollment since , the progress does not match labour market demand.
For example, too many students are seeking a degree in the biological sciences, while the shortage in STEM apprentices has seen little improvement. In particular, women have shown scant interest in acquiring high-demand skills such as a computer science degree. A study in from the Higher Education Careers Service Unit has found a wide range, six months after acquiring their first degree, in the proportion of graduates who are either in full-time employment or studying for an advanced degree. There is also a wide range in the proportion of these graduates who are employed in occupations such as cashier or waiter.
The following table shows selected data from this study. Concern exists about possible grade inflation. It is claimed that academics are under increasing pressure from administrators to award students good marks and grades with little regard for those students' actual abilities, in order to maintain their league table rankings. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the cricket team of this name, see British Universities cricket team.
See also: Ancient universities , Third oldest university in England debate , Red brick university , Robbins Report , Plate glass university , College of advanced technology United Kingdom , and Jarratt report. See also: UK enterprise law. UDHR art European Social Charter arts 7, 10 and ECHR Prot 1, art 2.
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Student Life in a Class Society. Pergamon Press. Large numbers of staff and students consciously stress the "differentness" of Durham by referring to it consciously as "non-redbrick" or "greybrick" even. The Times. Law schools fall into the same five broad categories as universities generally in this regard. The Spectator. Archived from the original on 24 October The Scottish Government.
Despite the expansion that had been achieved in the existing universities it became evident by that more universities were going to be needed. In that year the government, on the advice of the University Grants Committee, approved the establishment of the University of Sussex and, in the following years, of six more universities at Norwich, York, Canterbury, Colchester, Coventry and Lancaster. Universities UK. Archived from the original on 25 November The Daily Telegraph. Independent Higher Education.
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Related World Yearbook of Education 2000: Education in Times of Transition
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